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JosKPH Benson Foraker. 



» Cestimonial Souvenir « 



3o$epb Benson Toraker 



Skctcb of tbe Cincinnati Banquet given in bis Ronor on tbe Occasion of bis 

Election as Senator of tbe United States for Obio, 

Tebruary 22, m^ 



" Jl Patriot's is a dangerous post 
Ulbcn wanted by bis Country most" 

-S7C,//. 



Under Direction of Senator Toraker's Triends 



By George IHatbews 



Cincinnati, i$<)6 



Of 

PRESS OF 

The Jones Brothers Publishing Co. 

CINCINNATI, O., l8g6.'"i 



A TRIBUTE. 

In leadership the foremost man is he 

Who stands for country and, with lifted hand 
Calls to the patriot people ! his command — 

A clarion cry heard far by land and sea — 

Awakes the holy passions of the free! 

Grave senates hear him, and his native land 
Makes him her watchman in her towers, to stand 

And cry the ''AH is weiP' of Liberty ! 

Lo, such is he who rises for his State, 

And leads her thought, and battles in her cause. 
And wears fresh laurels in her glorious name I 
Hero and captain, champion in debate, 

Man of the people, maker of their laws. 

Neighbor, and friend, and statesman full of fame* 




Joseph Benson Foraker. 



Prefatory 

HE occasion which has called forth this simple 
brochure and tribute is easily understood. A dis- 
tinguished citizen of Ohio, honored by the people 
of the Commonwealth, received on the birthday 
of the Father of our Country, 1896, a testimonial banquet 
given by the citizens of Cincinnati as a mark of their esteem 
and admiration. The recipient of this honor was Senator-elect 
Joseph Benson Foraker, whose name for a full score of years 
has been identified with the public life of Ohio. The recent 
mark of esteem and confidence was one of many such tributes, 
but it had an important and peculiar significance. The event 
distinguished the accession of Mr. Foraker to one of the highest 
electoral dignities in the gift of any people. 

The United States is the greatest free government in the 
world. The Senate of the United States has no equal as a 
body of deliberative councilors. It is peculiarly constituted. Its 
members represent commonwealths as such, and the peoples 
of the respective commonwealths in their aggregate and several 
capacities. Though all Senators are of equal rank, there is a 
sense in which they are most unequal. In their representative 
capacity they may stand for small commonwealths, or for states 
of imperial extent. 



Such an imperial State is Ohio. Third among the members 
of the Union in population and wealth, she may be regarded 
as one of the greatest free communities existing on earth. 
To represent such a State in the greatest senatorial body of 
the world, is a distinction of which the most ambitious citizen 
may well be proud. To be called to such a station at a time 
of life when most men are still regarded as young, corres- 
pondingly increases the honor. It is proper that a recipient of 
so great a distinction should feel a manly and ennobling sen- 
timent of pride at the honor done him by his fellow-countrymen. 

Joseph B. Foraker is a man so honored. He is Senator- 
elect from the great state of Ohio. He is a Cincinnatian. 
He has long been identified with the public welfare of this 
great city, and the people of Cincinnati have recognized in 
this event an opportunity of compliment to a leading citizen. 

It has been thought that the complimentary banquet given 
to Mr. Foraker at the Cathedral of the Scottish Rite in 
token of the appreciation of the people of Cincinnati, should 
not pass without leaving some record of itself more per- 
manent than the passing memory of a busy population. It 
is for this reason that the facts, circumstances and speeches 
of the occasion have been gathered and put into a permanent 
form in this testimonial pamphlet which is sent to the friends 
of Senator Foraker as a token of friendship and goodwill. 

The Senator is not himself responsible for this publication, 
or for the terms of compliment in which it is made. It is 
wholly the work of his friends, who design it as a tribute to 
a man who has won the applause of the Nation, and at the 
same time retained the affectionate regard and confidence of 
his friends and neighbors. 




Biodrapbicah 

lOSEPH BENSON FORAKER, recently elected 
^^ Junior Senator of the United States from Ohio, is 
a native of this Commonwealth. He was born 
near Rainsborough in Highland County, Ohio, on 
the 5th of July, 1846. He has not yet completed 
his fiftieth year. In both mind and body he is young, elastic, 
full of spirits, warmed with a laudable ambition, and kindled 
with what the author of Ecce Homo calls " enthusiasm of 
humanity.'' The parents of Senator Foraker are still living. 
They belong to the class of people who cultivate the soil, 
and at the same time cultivate men and women. Joseph B. 
Foraker spent the first years of his life on a farm in close 
touch with the ground and in sympathy with the ennobling 
influences of nature. 

Passing from the period of his early boyhood, and with 
no note of his school-days in the country, we find him at 
the age of sixteen enlisting in the Union Army. He volun- 
teered as a member of Company A, in the 89th Regiment of 
Ohio Volunteers. The date of his enlistment was July 14, 1862, 
nine days after his sixteenth anniversary. A young soldier — 
but many such followed the flag and fought our battle. 

Young Foraker served with his regiment until after the 
fall of Atlanta. By that date he had risen to the rank of 
First Lieutenant. After the capture of Atlanta he was de- 
tailed for service in the signal corps and was assigned to duty as 
a signal officer on the staff" of Major-General Slocum, who was 
in command at that time of the left wing of Sherman's army. 



After the march through Georgia and the CaroHnas Lieu- 
tenant Foraker was promoted to the rank of Brevet-Captain 
of United States Volunteers and was assigned to duty as 
Aide-de-camp on the staff of General Slocum. This position he 
held until he was mustered out of the service at the close of 
the war. That event found him, at the age of nineteen, a 
veteran of three years' service. 

After the war Captain Foraker resumed the studies which 
he had cast aside in order to enlist, and became a student 
at Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. From that institution he 
was graduated at the close of his twenty-third year, in the 
summer of 1869. During his collegiate course he took up and 
prosecuted the study of law, so that after his graduation he 
was able to begin to practice. He came to Cincinnati and was 
admitted to the bar on the 14th of October, 1869. From 
that date — distant from the present by more than twenty-six 
years - — he has practiced the duties of his profession in Cin- 
cinnati, with only such disturbances as have been incidental to 
his public life. 

On the 4th of October, 1870, Mr. Foraker was married 
to Miss Julia Bundy, daughter of Hon. H. S. Bundy, of 
Wellston, Ohio. Of this union have been born five children — 
two sons and three daughters — a happy family, all of whom 
survive. 

The public life of Captain Foraker began in April of 1879, 
when he was elected Judge of the Superior Court of Cincin- 
nati. This position he occupied until the first of May, 1882, 
when, on account of ill-health, he resigned the duties of the 
judgeship. On his recovery, however, he resumed the prac- 
tice of his profession in the city of his choice. In 1883 he 



received the nomination of the RepubHcan Party for Governor 
of Ohio, but was defeated by his Democratic opponent, Judge 
Hoadly. In 1884 Mr. Foraker was a delegate to the National 
Republican Convention and was chairman of the Ohio delega- 
tion. In that relation he put in nomination for the Presidency 
Senator John Sherman. In the following year he was a second 
time nominated for Governor against Judge Hoadly and was 
successful. He was chosen Governor of the commonwealth by 
a handsome majority. In 1887 he was a second time elected 
to the same office. In the following year he was again a 
delegate to the Republican National Convention, and was 
chairman of the delegation from Ohio. In this convention 
also it was his duty to place John Sherman m nomination for 
the Presidency, but the nominee failed of gaining a majority 
of the delegates. 

In 1889 Mr. Foraker was for the fourth time named for 
Governor, but was defeated by ex-Governor James E. Camp- 
bell. Mr. Foraker then remained in private life until 1892, 
when he became a candidate for the office of Senator of the 
United States for Ohio. He received thirty-eight votes but 
was defeated by Senator Sherman. In this year he was for 
the third time delegate at large to the Republican National 
Convention and served in that body as chairman of the Com- 
mittee on Resolutions. 

By this time the term of Hon. Calvin S. Brice in the 
United States Senate was drawing to a close and the voice 
of the people of Ohio was strongly heard in behalf of Mr. 
Foraker for the position. In the State Convention at Zanes- 
ville, held on the 28th of May, 1895, a resolution was unani- 
mously passed endorsing Mr. Foraker as the Republican 



candidate for United States Senator. At the ensuing Novem- 
ber election a Republican legislature was chosen by a majority 
of over one hundred thousand votes. The sentiment in favor 
of Mr. Foraker had become overwhelming, and when in 
January of 1896 the legislature assembled all show of opposi- 
tion had melted away. Without the formality of a caucus, 
and by the unanimous vote of his party, he was elected to 
the Senate of the United States for the term of six years, 
commencing with the 4th of March, 1897. 

The State Republican Convention of 1896 was held in 
Columbus on the loth and nth of March. Senator Foraker 
presided over the convention as its chairman and was by 
acclamation chosen for the fourth time to represent the State 
of Ohio as one of its delegates at large to the Republican 
National Convention to be held at St. Louis on the i6th of 
the following June. 

Such is the briefest outline of the career of one of the 
great men of Ohio. Senator Foraker is in his prime. He 
is regarded with admiration not only by the people of the 
State which he honors and that honors him, but also by the 
people of the whole Nation. He is primarily a man of the 
people. His sympathies are broad and patriotic. He is strongly 
on the side of the people and is devoted to American interests 
in the highest and best sense of that term. His instincts as 
an old soldier of the Union are blended with the patriotism 
of the civilian, composing a character as admirable as it is 
humane. The good wishes of the people of Ohio will follow 
him to his high place in the Senate with the same confi- 
dence and pride with which they have regarded him in all 
the previous stages of his eminent career. 



i. 



Cbe Banquet. 



Committee of Jlrrandements. 



JOHN A. CALDWELL, Chairman. 
SAMUEL W. TROvST, Sec'y. 
GEORGE N. STONE, Treas. 
THOMAS MORRISON. 
J. G. SCHMIDLAPP. 
MAURICE J. FREIBERG. 



ANDREW HICKENLOOPER. 
THOMAS P. EGAN. 
RALPH PP:TERS. 
SAMUEL N. FELTON. 
PERIN LANGDON. 
C. M. HOLLOWAY. 




Scottish Ritp: Cathedral. 




the Banquet. 

HE leading citizens of Cincinnati were unwilling 
that Senator Foraker should remove to Washington 
to enter upon his duties without tendering to him 
some public and formal mark of the esteem in 
which he is held by his home community. It was determined 
that a public banquet should be tendered him, and for this 
purpose the Scottish Rite Cathedral on Broadway was selected 
and the date of Washington's birthday chosen for the occasion. 
The banquet was in all respects a brilliant and successful 
affair. The guests were, for the most part, citizens of Cin- 
cinnati and the personal friends and neighbors of the Senator- 
elect. They were the men with whom he has been asso- 
ciated in the varied aud arduous duties of life for many years. 
They had watched his progress, had sympathized with him in 
times when the tide seemed to set against his fortunes, and 
congratulated him when the wave bore him onward to success 
and honor. Now they met to pay their tribute to him as a 
representative of the great commonwealth of Ohio in the Senate 
of the United States. 

Mr. Foraker had not for some days been in good health 
though his spirits were unabated. It had been feared that he 
would not be able to participate in the pleasures of the ban- 
quet, but it is in the nature of such men to rally according 
to the occasion. Suffice it to say that the Senator did not 
disappoint his friends but surprised them rather with the 



brilliancy and spirit of his manner and address. His speech 
was marked by all the features which have made his oratory 
so pleasing and effective ; his utterances had the old clear 
ring ; his emphatic declarations of Americanism and patriotism 
touched the right chord and found a harmonious echo in the 
hearts of all his hearers. 

The table at which the guest of honor and others of his 
immediate friends sat was beautiful in its arrangement and 
decorations. The hall in every part was tastefully draped and 
adorned. The floral decorations were especially fine. Above 
the principal table "Old Glory" was hung out in several 
forms and looped up with the figure of an eagle. The 
motto above was "Our Senator" and this sentiment was re- 
peated in several places. In the center of the flag displayed 
was the portrait of Senator Foraker done to the life. The 
Committee of Arrangements had placed behind the speaker's 
chair a hedge of evergreen which furnished a pleasing back- 
ground to the distinguished group. The whole surrounding 
was tasteful and inspiring. The Committee had selected the 
honored Mayor of Cincinnati, John A. Caldwell, as toast- 
master. The Mayor never appeared to better advantage ; his 
remarks were received with enthusiasm and were regarded as 
especially appropriate. The guests were seated and the dinner 
began at half past seven in the evening. The feast proper 
lasted about two hours when Mayor Caldwell rapped for order. 
By this time all chill of formality had passed away and the 
spirits of those assembled had risen to the level of the occasion. 
There were none present who did not enter heartily into the 
celebration. 





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J. A. CALDWELL. 



Speech by Hon. J. A. Caldwell. 



OUR GUEST, . . . Hon. John A. Caldwell. 

" Heroes in history seem to us poetic, because they are there. 
But if we should tell the simple truth uf some of our neighbors, 
it would sound like poetry." 

FeLLOW-CiNCINN ATIANS : 

' ' Your hearts and mine are glad to-night. On either hand is an 
every-day trusted friend; across and around this board are our neigh- 
bors, our business and professional associates, those whose hves are open 
books to us. We know the story of their beginnings, of their roman- 
ces, of their aims and ambitions; of their life achievements and triumphs. 
We know how much of manliness and worth is written there; we know, 
and are proud and glad to know, that these, our neighbors and friends 
stand for much that is greatest and best and most progressive in the 
Cincinnati of to-day. 

Merited distinction— honest fame, can come to no one without his 
associates and friends, compatriots and fellow-citizens, all being the 
gainer. The Cincinnatian who wins his spurs in life's contest— who 
gains the world's applause, and receives signal honors from his fellow- 
men, places amaranthine garlands over every Cincinnati threshold, and 
makes a mecca of this fair city to which the hero-worshipers of all time 
will make sacred pilgrimages. 

And we, my fellow-citizens, are met to-night to give expression as 
best we may! to the personal gratification and happiness it brings to 
us, that he who is our guest of honor and who is also our fellow- 
Cincinnatian, our neighbor, and personal, intimate friend, the very 
man we have long hailed as one of the foremost Cincinnatians-our 



greatest political leader and chieftain, who we know to be worthy of 
every preferment that an admiring, loving people can bestow, has again 
been asked to step up higher — and you and I rejoice and are exceed- 
ing glad that this preferment has come to him and with an unanimlt)'' 
of party support unprecedented in all the history of first term elec- 
tions to the National Senate. 

Our guest has long been a commanding national figure, filling 
the public eye — at once the Richelieu and Admiral Crichton of all that 
pertains to state-craft and politics, sharing honors with Sherman and 
McKinley as one of Ohio's political triumvirate, a triumvirate as pre- 
eminent in national affairs of to-day, as w^as Ohio's galaxy of generals 
in the War of the Rebellion — Grant, Sherman, and Sheridan, whose 
undimming fame shines forth resplendent — the most glorious constella- 
tion in all the star-studded night of war. 

What memories the very name of Foraker conjures; when the brass 
throat of war thundered forth his country's need — we see the stripling 
farmer boy take on the full stature of a man and a hero — and march 
forth to battle valiantly for freedom and for right. Neither hireling 
nor dastard he — but a volunteer, brave and true, who wrung pro- 
motion from the hand of power by dint of valor and personal merit — a 
mere boy in years, but in all else a man doing a man's deeds. 

We see this soldier put off the uniform and don the garb of the 
civilian, and take up the humdrum life of a student, the better to equip 
himself for the walks of peace. We see him adopt one of the learned 
professions and rise in the line of that profession to the bench of the 
Superior Court of Cincinnati. We see him take on the burdens of a 
public career — become the idol of ev^ery hustings — whose logic and 
eloquence and personal magnetism convinced and swayed the multi- 
tudes ; all the Nation knew when he was in the saddle, when his 
trenchant tongue — a keen Damascus blade — was making thrust, and 
parry, and stroke, that found and laid bare everj^ weakness and flaw in 
the armor of his adversaries. 

We see him become the leader of the young, aggressive, enthusi- 
astic element of his part}- — binding their hearts to his with cords of 
steel. We see him twice chosen by the suffrages of the people — Gover- 
nor of his state and become the very pillar of his party's hope. We see 



him a man of deep personal convictions; fearless in defense of the right 
as he sees the right; hating cant and sham, with an especial hatred for 
all Pharisaical hypocrites who wear an — I am holier than thou self- 
adjusted halo. 

We know him as a practical man who believes in practical politics; 
we know him to be a man of ideas and resources — one who never cries 
aloud in worship of an echo. We know him for what the whole country 
knows him, an able statesman, a brilliant orator, a profound thinker — 
but you and I, my hearers, also know him as a friend and neighbor. 
We know his heart is a human document in which he writes the names 
of his friends in indelible characters. We know him as a father, and 
husband and brother, doing his man's part as only a loving, generous, 
manly, masterful man can do it — and who fully realizes that station and 
rank and wealth — the plaudits of his fellow men, the external insignia 
of success verily brings its own reward — but that beyond the utmost 
purple of that illimitable ambition, there exists a wider horizon of 
friendship and love. 

The great state of Ohio is wont to produce sons to be proud of — 
and she is prouder of this younger son; she will see to it that his is no 
entailed estate, that no law of primogeniture cut him off portionless. 
She has given him a United States Senatorship, and there is no greater, 
broader field of action and usefulness, of honor and trust; public or 
private within the possibilities of man, that her admiring, loving, 
patriotic people would not be happy to bestow upon our guest of honor 
— Joseph Benson Foraker — Senator-elect from Ohio. 

I have the very great honor and pleasure of presenting the Hon. 
Joseph Benson Foraker, Senator-elect from Ohio. ' ' 



RESPONSE, . . . Hon. Joseph B. Foraker. 

Mr. Mayor and Gentlemen : 

' ' r wish I knew how better than I do to make fitting response to 
such an introduction and to such a welcome. Words seem to fail me. 
I can think of nothing other or better to say than simply, I thank you. 
(Applause.) That I do with all my heart. I thank you, Mr. Mayor, 



for the kind words you have so beautifully and so eloquently spoken. 
I do not know what could make them more gratifying unless it would 
be that, happily, somehow or other, I could be persuaded I merit 
them. (Applause.) And I thank you, gentlemen, one and all. If I 
had been allowed to prearrange the circumstances attending my elec- 
tion to the Senate, I could not have ordered them so as to be more 
gratifying than they have been down to this point. (Cheers and 
applause.) 

It was gratifying, in the first place, to be elected, as it has been 
said, without any opposition from my own party. It was gratifying, in 
the second place, to be elected with so little opposition from the other 
party. (Laughter and cheers. ) And it has been gratifying beyond 
anything I shall undertake to express for me to have been made the 
recipient, as I have been, at the hands of my Democratic friends, of 
constant kindnesses, courtesies and marks of personal regard and per- 
sonal esteem, from the beginning of this contest until this moment. 
(Great applause.) But nothing has occurred in all these incidents and 
features to which I have referred so gratifying as this occasion itself. 
(Applause.) You, gentlemen, are my neighbors and my friends ; you 
are the men in whose midst I have lived for more than a quarter of a 
century. My goings out and comings in have all been in j'our presence. 
I am better known to you and by you than to or by anybody else. 

For me to see gathered here to-night the representatives of all the 
professions, and of every kind of business that is pursued in our city J 
and especially for me to see gathered here in such goodly numbers my 
Democratic friends, is gratifying beyond anything I can express. 
(Great applause.) I thank my Republican friends most sincerely, but 
I do especially, and from the bottom of my heart, thank my Democratic 
friends. (Cries of "good, good," and applause.) You make it easy for 
me to feel, as I do, under such circumstances, in going to the Senate, 
that I go there to represent the State and the whole State and all the 
people in the State. (Applause and cheers.) Whenever I can con- 
sistently do so, it will be a pleasure to me to serve you. I want to be 
ycur Senator, as well as the Senator of my Republican friends. (Re- 
newed applause.) 

And now, gentlemen, about that service. I have some misgivings 
about it. I have never had any experience in a legislative body or any 



kind of a parliamentary assemblage. I do not know how I will get 
along. (Cries of 'Oh, you're all right; you'll get along.) I forsee 
some difficulties. I am so constituted by nature that I reach conclusions 
quickly, and sometimes have not as much patience as I should have 
with those who do not agree with me. (Laughter and cheers.) I fear, 
therefore, that in that ' most august assemblage on earth, ' as it has 
been termed, I shall be wearied and less useful than I otherwise would 
be when those long, tedious debates occur about which we have been 
reading so much during the last two or three years. (Applause.) But 
notwithstanding that drawback, I intend to take the place. There are 
some compensations to offset it. 

In the first place, it is a great compensation to follow in the line of 
succession such distinguished representatives as Cincinnati has had in 
that body during our day and generation; (Applause and cries of ' 'good! 
good!") George H. Pugh (applause) , Stanley Matthews (applause) , and 
George H. Pendleton (applause) . However we may differ as to their 
respective political views and opinions, we all can agree in ascribing to 
them, one and all, irreproachable integrity of character and the highest 
order of intellectuality. (Great applause.) 

There is another compensation in the fact that I am to be the col- 
league of that grand old representative of Republicanism, who has been 
there, lo, these many years, in the person of John Sherman. (Applause.) 
But there is something more attractive than all that to me in going to 
the Senate at this time. That is the character of questions with which 
we will have to deal. I do not speak in this connection of partisan 
questions. If the Democratic party should be in power I imagine I 
would not have much influence in shaping its policy. (Voice: "You 
would not; that's right.") (Applause.) If the Republican party be in 
power its policies are already shaped. (Voice: " That's right.) With 
practically no dissent, all questions of tariff, reciprocity and currency 
will be settled according to those policies. The questions I refer to are 
broader than these. 

The time has come when there is an emphatic demand for a wise, 
broad, patriotic, progressive, aggressive American statesmanship. (Tre- 
mendous applause and cheers.) I do not like the idea of our being un- 
able to step out at either our front door or back door, on the Atlantic or 
the Pacific side, without seeing England's flag floating from all the 



islands that meet our view with her guns pointing wheresoever she will. 
(Great applause and renewed cheers.) When the Sandwich Islands 
come knocking at the door wdth a Republican form of government and 
the American flag, I say let them in. (Tremendous applause.) When 
a civilized country turns civilized war into barbarism, as Spain is doing 
in Cuba, I say, in the name of this Republic and in the name of repub- 
Hcan institutions everywhere, as well as in the name of civilization and 
Christianity, it is our mission to put a stop to it. (Great applause.) 
And if as a result the stars and stripes should happen to float over that 
island, it would be no bad acquisition. (Applause.) 

I want to see the Monroe doctrine, recently .so much talked about, 
upheld and enforced against all the world. (Applause.) And I shall 
stand by the administration that stands for America, be that administra- 
tion Repubhcan or Democratic. (Cheers.) 

I want to see our merchant marine restored. There was a time 
when our merchant marine was the pride of every American. It is to- 
day but a mortification to us all. We once carried ninety per cent, of 
our foreign trade in American bottoms, under the American flag. We 
now carry less than thirteen per cent. We are paying out annually 
more than $150,000,000 in gold to foreign ships for transportation of 
freights and passengers. The time has come to remedy that. The way 
to remedy it is not with subsidies and bounties, but by going back to 
the first principles practiced by George Washington and the founders 
of this Republic when they applied the principles of protection to the 
water as well as to the land. (Applause.) 

I want to see the Congress of the United States provide that the 
fifty per cent, or more of imports that come into our country free of duty 
shall come in free, provided they come in American bottoms and under 
the American flag. (Applause.) I want to see it provided that the 
dutiable goods brought in American ships shall be allowed a rebate on 
that account. (Applause. ) 

And when we make these new reciprocity treaties, which we hope 
to make soon in the future, I want to see incorporated in every one of 
them a provision that the goods mentioned in the reciprocity treaty 
shall have the benefits of that provision, provided they are carried in 
the ships of the reciprocating countries. (Great applause.) When 



that shall be done, as done it can and should be, there will no longer be 
an elbowing by Great Britain of the American marine off the waters of 
the globe. ( Applause.) 

Shipbuilding will revive, and once again the flag of the United 
States will be seen floating in all the channels of trade and commerce. 
( Cheers.) And then after that will follow easily and naturally what we 
should have had ere this, an American navy able to protect us, let come 
what may. (Applause.) WUen Mr. Cleveland sent to Congress his 
Venezuelan message it had lyre good results than one. One of its good 
results was to impress the ^lerican people with our defenseless situa- 
tion. We should reaUze that the great wars of the future, if there be 
any at all with which we are to be concerned, are far more likely to be 
on the water than on the land. We should order accordingly. It is a 
patriotic duty to do it. 

Then, there is another thing. I do not want to stop to discu.ss all 
these things, but I read in the newspapers this morning just what I 
have been looking for for a long time. I read, as you probably did, that 
in the city of New York there was yesterday tendered by Europeans, 
the capital to build the Nicaragua Canal. Unless the United States of 
America build that canal somebody else will build it. (Voices of 
' ' That's so. " ) The commerce of the w^orld demands it. 

People will not any longer be content .sailing .ships from the Atlantic 
to the Pacific Coast, to go ten thousand miles out of the way around 
the Horn, through tempestuous seas and inclement sea.sons. Every 
suggestion of patriotism conunands us to do that work. ( Applause. ) 
I want to see the United States build it, and own it, and control it 
(applause), without any copartnership with anybody, and without any 
other nation having any other right with respect to it except only the 
right to use it for peaceful purposes, on payment of such tolls as we 
may see fit to levy. 

I rejoice my fellow-citizens of Cincinnati, that I .shall have oppor- 
tunity to participate in the solution of these great questions. It is but 
little I can do, but in my humble way whatever I can contribute will be 
most zealously contributed. ( Applause. ) These are works worthy of 
the American people. If we but prosecute them to that success which is 
possible, there is in store for us a destiny greater and grander than any 
human language can describe. ' ' (Tremendous applause and cheers. ) 



Mayor Caldwell : 

Ohio has ever been fortunate in selecting her Governors. They 
have been men who came from the people and were of the people, and 
she made no exception in the selection of our present Governor in fol- 
lowing that rule. He is a Cincinnatian born ; was at one time a market 
boy, selling the products of his farm from a wagon upon our streets, 
filled the position of coachman, and he filled these positions with the 
same zeal, earnestness and integrity with which he is now filling the 
important position of Governor of Ohio. (Cheers and applause.) I now 
have the pleasure of presenting the Hon. AsaS. Bushnell, the Governor 
of Ohio. (Long cheers and applause.) 




ASA vS. BUvSHNELL. 



Speech by Gov. Asa S. Bushnell. 



OHIO, Gov. Asa S. Bushnell. 

" Glorious in history : rich in statesmauship : famed in presidents." 

Mr. Toastmaster and Fellow Citizens : 

An ex-governor of the state (not the one here present) said to me 
on an occasion similar to this — a short time ago — " When you have re- 
sponded to the toast ' Ohio ' fifty times, as I have, you will get tired 
of it." I am not willing to admit this, for I love Ohio too well to 
ever tire of sounding her praises. I never hear the name but my pulse 
quickens and a feeling of pride comes over nie that T am one of her 
citizens. 

I feel as the boy did at the revival. The minister requested all 
those who desired to go to heaven to stand up. All arose but one 
good-sized boy, who remained quietly in his place. Then the minister 
asked those who wanted to go to the other place to stand up Not a 
soul got up. In astonishment he looked at the boy. "What is the 
matter with you, boy? Don't you want to go to either place?" 
"No," said he, "Ohio is good enough for me." So I say, Ohio is 
good enough for me. 

But a few days ago I visited the old mother of Ohio — the state of 
Connecticut. To-day Ohio has five times the population of the mother 
state, which a little more than a hundred years ago sent from her 
abundant population a colony of forty-eight of her sturdy sons to 
found a new state west of the AUeghenies. Landing at Marietta, they 
established the first settlement in the Northwest Territory, from which 
has since grown five of the grandest commonwealths of the nation. 

Ohio ! Grand old Commonwealth ! God bless her and her sons 
and daughters, wherever they may be. None more loyal than they ; 
their influence is felt wherever a new settlement is to be founded, a 
new city built, or a conflict for the right to be fought out ! 



That she is ' ' glorious in history ' ' I have but to refer to her 
achievements in war and in peace. And, first, allow me to refer to 
her achievements in war. She did not do much in the Revolution, but 
it was not her fault. If she had been born earlier she would have 
taken part in that struggle. While she took an active part in the 
Indian wars and furnished more troops than any other northern state 
for the war with Mexico, it was in the War of the Rebellion — the great 
conflict for the life of the nation — for the honor of the grand old flag — 
that she most distinguished herself. 

Ohio's response to the call of President Lincoln for 75,000 men 
was immediate. From all parts of the state came proffers of service 
from tens of thousands, and on the 19th of April — only four days after 
the call — the First and Second Regiments of Ohio Volunteers had been 
organized and were on their way to Washington. The Ohio militia, 
in pay of the state, was pushed into West Virginia, gained the first 
victories of the war, and drove out the rebel troops. Thus was West 
Virginia the gift of Ohio. Governor Debison, Ohio's first war gov- 
ernor, had ere this written, "Ohio must lead throughout the war," 
and she did. Early in 1864, when more troops were imperative, and 
President lyincoln was fearful another draft upon the people would 
result in failure. Governor Brough, Ohio's last war governor, called a 
convention of the governors of Indiana, Illinois, Iowa and Wisconsin, 
who, with himself representing Ohio, met on April 21, 1864, and 
notified Mr. Lincoln that they would furnish him 85,000 men for one 
hundred days, without a dollar of bounty or a single draft. It was a 
splendid contribution of the loyal West to the cause of the Union. In 
sixteen days after the call Ohio had supplied 34,000 men— or nearly 
one-half the number promised — and put them into the field armed and 
equipped. The arms of Ohio's sons in the field were sustained by the 
work of Ohio's daughters at home. As Ohio's soldiers were the first 
to gain victories, so the women of Ohio were the first to organize aid 
societies. In five days after the fall of Sumter the Soldiers' Aid 
Society of Northern Ohio was organized, and these noble women 
eventually distributed food and clothing to the amount of a million 
dollars. A similar organization was started in the southern part of the 
state, which was alike successful. 



When the war closed more than one-half the able-bodied men of 
the state had taken up arms for the Union, and Ohio had shown her- 
self to have been the most efficient of all the states, supplying, as she 
had, the most successful generals and the largest number of able men 
in the cabinet of the President and in the councils of the nation. 

Ohio is to-day in the very heart of the nation, and, being on its 
great highway over which its commerce and travel flow and where its 
people must mingle for an interchange and broadening of ideas, she 
must be national and broad in her policy and character. Her soil is of 
the richest and there is no one industry which predominates to give her 
citizens a one-sided development. Agriculture, manufacture, mining 
and commerce are so equally divided that she may be said to be the 
most evenly balanced state in the Union, and to this should be added 
prominence in education. 

The large number of colleges — cheap and accessible everywhere — 
have given multitudes the prime requisite of the higher education 
which is mental discipline and the use of the instruments of knowledge. 
In instructors in learning she has produced a host, and to-day in the 
department of religion she shows an unsurpassed spirit of Christian 
enterprise and self-sacrifice, leading all the states in the number of 
missionaries to heathen lands. 

The noble history of Ohio, the heroic character of her sons and 
daughters, signally shown by the eminent leaders she has produced in 
every department, will remain an imperishable inspiration to the young 
born upon her soil, to further advance the commonwealth in everything 
which will inure to her moral and material grandeur. 

' ' Rich in statesmanship ! ' ' Yes ; in the living and in those who 
have finished their mission and left their works to follow them. Chase, 
the great financier, an incident in whose life right here at home I can 
not refrain from relating. Here was the voting place of the great 
Secretary, and rarely did he miss coming here from Washington to 
exercise the right of suffrage. On the occasion of an election m 1863 — 
I think it was — under the old regime, when there was always a great 
crowd around the polls, Mr. Chase came to his precinct to vote. The 
crowd separated to make clear a passage for Mr. Chase to reach the 
window to deposit his ticket. A large, brawny fellow, of Irish nation- 
aUty, stood somewhat in the way, seeing which some one called out. 



" Stand back, Mike, you don't vote the Republican ticket." " I know 
that," said he, "but don't you suppose I want to see the man that 
makes the greenbacks?" Mr. Chase smiled and touched his hat to 
the man who had such great respect for him as the author of the 
greenbacks, if he could not vote for his party. 

Stanton, the great War Secretary ! Another statesman of whom 
Ohioans can all be proud. Then Giddings, Wade, Thurman, Pendleton, 
and a host of others, make up in part the riches of Ohio in statesman- 
ship. Among those who have contributed, and are yet to add luster to 
her crown of jewels, are Sherman, McKinley and Foraker. 

Virginia, the " Mother of Presidents," was famed for the great 
chief executives she furnished the nation ; but Ohio will herafter con- 
test the title of ' ' Mother of Presidents, ' ' and claim for herself that 
distinction, for what presidents of greater fame than Grant, Hayes and 
Garfield, men who brought great distinction to their state and to the 
nation in peace and in war? It is worthy of national consideration 
that no candidate for president from Ohio was ever defeated. 

Ours is a great state in its resources and extent, but greater in its 
people. I love my state and my country, and I pray to Almighty God 
that He will give us vigor and energy and power until the pillars of the 
Union shall be planted so firmly in American soil that no power on 
earth shall be able to shake them. To make our government thus 
strong we must stand by it— not complain of it, but praise it ; not 
defame and abuse its highest officials, as has recently been done. 
While I believe in free speech, I hope that no man will be allowed to 
use such language in reference to the chief executive of this nation as 
was uttered in that most august legislative body, the U. S. Senate, by 
Senator Tillman, of South Carolina, without rebuke. If the state- 
ments were true, they were better unsaid ; if he had no respect for the 
chief executive, he should have respect for the high office he holds, for 
he is the president of the greatest nation on earth. The people of our 
country should be taught to respect those who have been chosen to make 
and to execute her laws. 

We should adopt such policies as will furni.sh our government 
revenue sufficient to meet all obligations and make the nation still 
richer and still more powerful. To illustrate this, let me relate an 
incident which came under my observation a few years ago. It 



occurred while traveling on the cars in the northern part of the state 
with a friend, formerly prominent in the politics of the state, and 
known to many of you. My friend, as we rode along, pointed out to 
me, first on one side and then the other, beautiful farms, which by 
economy and careful investment of his means he had been able to 
purchase. Finally, after the last one had been passed and I had 
congratulated him on his magnificent possessions, he said, in a half 
undertone, and with apparent satisfaction, "Friend Bushnell, a little 
money is a good thing to have ; it commands respect at home and 
abroad." 

Let us have our government rich, that she may build ships of war 
and have a navy equal to that of any nation on earth, to the end that 
we may demand that more respect be shown our citizens and our flag 
on land and sea. We have heard much talk of war of late. Our 
nation is not prepared for war ; our navy could not cope with the great 
ships of the British. What we want is more money. Let us get that, 
then build war vessels, strengthen our forts, and then — though we hope 
" war has gone to come again no more " — if it does come, we shall be 
prepared for it, and be able to, enforce our demand that England shall 
be more careful in fixing the boundary lines of her territory. 

Ohio must do her part in this further work for the greater glory of 
America. Our record has been such that there must be no failure in 
the future — no loss of opportunity to prove again that our state is 
always ready to advance the cause of Americanism, to do that which 
speaks of loyalty to our common flag, and tells again that which has 
been a pride to all Ohioans — the patriotism and the strength of our 
commonwealth. 

I congratulate all — and by that I mean the people of Ohio and 
of the nation, as well as those present at this gathering of some of 
Cincinnati's foremost citizens — upon the fact that 'another who, by 
training, education, ability, patriotism and enthusiasm for his country, 
will in but a little more than a year's time be received as a member of 
America's highest and most distinguished legislative body, and will 
therefore add to the fame which has ever attended the Senate of the 
United States. We all know this Ohio man. He is the honored 
guest of this evening, and one w^ho occupies a more than prominent 



place in the affections of the people of this and other states. He is 
known as a self-made man, as a soldier who achieved a highly honorable 
record, as a jurist who was respected in all ways, as a chief executive 
of Ohio who gave a most excellent administration, and as a citizen who 
enjoys the approval of his fellow-men. 

Such a man as Joseph Benson Foraker can be, and I am sure will 
be, of inestimable value to his country and to his state in the U. S. 
Senate. He is equipped as few men are for the duty before him, and 
he has the desire to do his utmost for the common good. I wish him a 
long life of happiness and continued usefulness ; a life replete with all 
that can make the hearts of his friends rejoice. 

It has given me the greatest pleasure to be present to-night. I 
have delighted in the opportunity of again attempting to sound a faint 
measure of praise for my state and our people. It has been a .source of 
sincere gratification to join you in doing honor to my friend Judge 
Foraker. It has given me great satisfaction again to meet old friends, 
and to clasp the hands of new ones. Gentlemen of Cincinnati, I con- 
gratulate yoii upon this dinner to your most distinguished citizen, and 
I thank you for having given me the privilege of addressing a'ou upon 
so notable an occasion and upon so worthy a topic. 



Mayor Caldwell : 

The next toast, "Our Country." We have with us one of our 
distinguished citizens, who has gained exceptional prominence in his 
profession, who will respond to this toast. I have the honor and 
pleasure of presenting the Hon. E. W. Kittredge. (Ivong cheers and 
applause. ) 




E. W. KlTTRlvDGE. 






Speech by Hon. E. W. Kittredge. 



OUR COUNTRY, . . Hon. E. W. Kittredge. 

' ' Be there a man with soul so dead 
Who never to himself hath said, 
This is my own, my native land! " 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen : 

The toast "Our Country,'" to be responded to on Washington's 
birthday, naturally recalls Washington's excellently wise advice to his 
countrymen as to the relations it should be our policy to maintain with 
the nations of Europe. 

The position of the United States as the foremost nation on the 
American continent is not merely one that should contribute to our 
national pride, and still less should it be allowed to stimulate any 
national arrogance, but it does carry with it a corresponding duty of 
high obligation to all the American nationalities. 

The peoples of the old world are organized under powerful govern- 
ments, with immense resources, with powerful armies, with resistless 
navies, and with all the wealth and means that the highest civilization 
of the world has accumulated. The ability, if they had the desire, of 
either France or England or Germany to overwhelm the comparatively 
weak nationalities of Central or South America can not be doubted. 

It is a matter of profound concern to our country what should be 
our attitude to the questions and controversies that arise between these 
powerful European governments, on the one hand, and the weaker 
nationalities of the American continent on the other. 

The recent unpleasantness over the Venezuelan boundary, happily, 
by the good sense and sober second thought of the English and Ameri- 
can people, now in the process of a peaceful solution, has brought the 
attention of the entire community to the consideration of the principles 



that underlie this whole subject, and that are of the highest importance 
to the welfare of this country and the peace of the world. 

When Mr. Olney asserts in his letter to Lord Salisbury that 
" to-day the United States is practically sovereign on this continent, 
and its fiat is law upon the subjects to which it confines its interposi- 
tion ;" and when the president practically asserts that the Monroe 
doctrine has become a part of international law ; if these assertions 
are true, the position of the United States is certainly one of great 
responsibility, and of very doubtful ladvantage 'to compensate for the 
obligations that it incurs. 

I believe the more correct statement of the fact is that the Monroe 
doctrine is a political dogma, and that like all dogma, it is subject to 
growth and development. Its interpretation is always very largely 
determined by the conditions at the time, and the circumstances 
attending any case to which it is sought to be applied. That the 
United States should look with disfavor upon every attempt of an 
European nation to oppress or despoil without right any American 
state, is inevitable. When such a controversy is pushed to its utmost 
limit, the unselfish defense of the weak against the strong, even to the 
extremity of war, is alike a wi.se and honorable policy for us as a 
nation, and it will surely command the support of the American 
people. But there should be no mistake about the principle upon 
which this policy rests. It is not at all that "the United States is 
sovereign on this continent, "-and it is not at all that we have the right 
or the duty to, control the negotiations or treaties that other sovereign 
states may see fit to enter into. It is the just interest that we, as the 
foremost nation in America, have a right to take, and wisely take, in 
the free and unrestrained development of the institutions and commerce 
and prosperity of every American people. In the long future such a 
development is sure to be, in many ways, of the highest importance to 
us as a nation. 

The assertion of this national policy in the past has been in ever}- 
instance opportune, and in its results has commanded recognition of its 
wisdom. It matters not by what name we call the doctrine — its sub- 
stance is that we have a direct concern in preserving the integrity and 
free development of every American nationality, and that as occasion 
arises we will interpose for the accomplishment of that object. 



The distinguished citizen whom we are here to honor has been 
known among those who would be ready, perhaps eager, to assert the 
right of our country to intervene in questions of this character. We 
may properly express to him the hope and belief that he will in the 
discharge of his high duties, firmly, but temperately, stand for the 
American principle which finds its common expression in the saying, 
' * America for the Americans. ' ' 



Mayor Caldwell : 

The next toast is "The Law-making Power" of our country. 
Who so capable of responding to this toast as our beloved fellow- 
citizen, the ideal lawyer, the Hon. John W. Warrington ! (Cheers and 
applause.) 




J. W. WARRINGTON. 



Speech by Hon. J. W. Warrington. 



The IvAW-Making Power, Hon. John W. Warrington. 

' ' Law is the supreme will of the people, expressed 
through their legislative bodies." 

We have no public power whose existence is so necessary and 
whose exercise is watched with so much anxiety as that wielded by our 
legislative bodies. Is this owing wholly to per\^erseness of political 
parties, to selfish influences, to w^ant of patriotism, or to all combined ? 
Is it not due in large part to the indifferent way in which we regard 
and study the power? Shall we ever, as a nation, consider special 
training as always requisite to the science of legislation, as we do with 
respect to every other science or art, as also every occupation? We 
select some great legislators. But have they predominated? Lord 
Campbell, when sitting as chief justice of the Queen's Bench, said of 
certain acts of Parliament : ' ' One-half of our time is consumed in 
making sense of other people's nonsense." This is largely true in our 
own country. An instance occurred in England, wdiere a penalty was 
claimed under a statute which declared that of any penalty recovered 
under it one-half was to go to the Crown and one-half to the informer. 
What was the feeling of both the informer and the Crown when they 
learned that the only penalty mentioned in the act was two years' 
imprisonment ? 

The right to make laws is the greatest of sovereign powers. No 
matter through what agency legislative power has ever been exercised, 
it has always controlled, and it must always control, the vital relations 
and the destiny of mankind. The trend of modern civilization, not to 
mention ancient instances, has been more and more toward confining 
the power within the limits of constitutions. These constitutions are in 
theory founded upon the consent of the governed. In order to ascertain 
the true limit of the law-making power under any constitution it is 



necessary to know not only its exact scope as an entiret}', but also where 
the right to amend it resides. For illustration, in England, Germany 
and France this right to amend is given to the legislative bodies them- 
selves. True, in Germany and France certain peculiarities as to form 
and majority must be observed, and in Germany it is claimed by some 
commentators that the Emperor maj' defeat a change by refusing to 
promulgate the act. But it is plain that the legislator there may regard 
the ultimate limits of his constitution with more or less indifference, for, 
after all, an infraction would be but a potential change. 

In view of the conditions prevailing here, it is difficult for us fully 
to understand the nature of legislative power which includes the making 
of both organic and ordinary law. We have set bounds for our legisla- 
tures, and, indeed, for ourselves. We have done this through written 
constitutions defining powers, and through declarations respecting cer- 
tain inalienable rights, for the government both of the United States 
and of the states themselves. The power to change these instruments 
is guarded by modes fixed for referring proposed amendments, either 
directly or indirectly, to the people themselves. Thus constitutional law 
can not be made in this country by any legislative body alone. 

This limitation of the power of amendment in our country marks 
another important distinction between the law-making power here and 
that in the other countries named. If a legislative body here usurp a 
power not granted or violate an inhibition made by the constitution 
governing it, the judiciary is bound, whenever a proper case comes 
before it, to declare the statute void. And we have a universal custom 
thereupon to treat the statute as abolished. Our respected citizen, Mr. 
Bowler, has the courage to insist upon the right of an officer to deter- 
mine the validity of a statute which he is called on to carry out. If it is 
not within constitutional limits it is not a law. If, therefore, he is not 
right, at least to the extent of referring the act to the judiciary, then 
what becomes of the boasted safeguards of a written constitution ? But 
where the power to amend the constitution resides in a legislative body, 
that body itself becomes the final interpreter of its own action, and 
consequently the supreme power. 

It is therefore even more important that the legislator in our Con- 
gress should be able to interpret and elucidate the constitution of the 
United States, than it is for the legislator in any one of the other conn- 



tries I have mentioned, to understand his constitution. It should he no 
less true of the American than it was of the Roman Senator, of whom 
Cicero said that: "It is necessary for a senator to be thoroughly 
acquainted with the constitution ; and this is a knowledge of the most 
extensive nature ; a matter of science, of diligence, of reflection, with- 
out which no senator can possibly be fit for his ofhce." 

In order to take an active and intelhgent part in legislation in our 
Congress one must have unusual ability and training. It calls for more 
than the faculty of criticism. It demands creative intellectual power. 
This power is rare. This power involves the faculty of seeing a public 
need and of originating an accurate plan to supply it. According as 
such a need increases in importance, so the minds fit to cope with it 
become fewer. 

Philosophers diflfer as to the true principle of reasoning in legisla- 
tion. For in.stance, Herbert Spencer differed in this regard from Jeremy 
Bentham, But, remembering that Lord Macaulay placed the latter in 
"the same rank with Gallileo and with Locke," no one would question 
the correctness of Bentham, who said, in respect of legislation : "To 
know what is good for the community whose welfare is at stake con- 
stitutes the science ; to find the means of producing that good constitutes 
the art. ' ' When we apply this test to the demands and welfare of seventy 
millions of people ; when we understand that the legislator must know 
what is wise and effectual for that vast body and what effect his proposed 
statute will have upon all other existing statutes ; when we reflect that 
his action must conform with certain delegated powers of a written con- 
stitution, according as that instrument is construed by the judiciary ; 
when these things are all considered, then we shall gain some adequate 
idea of the character of duty which a competent legislator has to perform. 

But we still have only partially considered his functions. The 
power we are examining is to be exercised in the uj^per branch of the 
American Congress. The Senate possesses also certain executive and 
judicial powers. These are not within my subject. I may say, how- 
ever, that it was thought by Alexander Hamilton that they would 
overshadow the legislative power. But great as those two powers are 
the other has kept pace with and surpassed them in importance. All 
these powers combined were originally intended to be the conservative 
force, the anchorage between the lower house of Congress and the 



Executive. But while this is true in theory, would it not be more so in 
practice if our Senators were elected directly by the people ? Practically 
speaking, Ohio has just furnished an example. For who, during the 
last 3^ear, was in doubt as to the Senatorship ? 

Yet in spite of custom or courtesy, of petty jealousies or differences, 
of individual cases of demagogy or buffoonery, which temporarily 
shadow that body, the Senate as a " check and balance " in our system 
of popular government still stands unrivaled. 

Naturally such a place would attract great men. It brings its 
members into touch with the leading questions of the day. It affords 
competent and conscientious men the opportunity to render valuable 
ser\ace to their countr3\ It presents rare chances for cultivating political 
science, statesmanship and the highest type of forensic debate. When 
dominated by strong and patriotic men it opens a fruitful field for the 
highest aims of laudable ambition. 

An Englishman's denial of any right in the Crown to govern except 
by law, was once illustrated to me by his saying : "I pass the Prince 
with indifference ; I pass the Premier or Judge with lifted hat. ' ' Indeed, 
when rightly considered, what aim could be loftier than a desire to make 
wise laws for the United States? Ours is a Government of law. Our 
sovereign is the law. True, as Mr. Lincoln said this is a " Govern- 
ment of the people, by the people, for the people." Yet the people 
govern through law. They yield to no earthly power except the law. 
It is part of the high office, then, of a Senator properly to interpret the 
reason of the people, their common consciousness of right and policy. 
Resolving this into form is the expression of the American sovereign. 
It at once becomes the idol and master of a vast Nation. 

No higher testimony can be given of the importance of such a scene 
of action than the names of great men who have been actors in the 
Senate. Webster and Clay, Sumner and Fessenden, Pinckney and 
Calhoun, Douglass and Benton, Conkling and Blaine, Chase and Pugh, 
Wade and Ewing, Matthews, Pendleton and Thurman are some who 
have gone, and John Sherman is one who remains, of our illustrious 
line of American Senators. 

Ohio has just called to that body Joseph Benson Foraker. With a 
remarkable record as soldier, lawyer and judge, as governor and orator, 



possessing wide culture and striking versatility, he is splendidly equipped 
for leadership in the Senate of the United States. While he will not 
have to debate some of the great questions whose discussion made some 
of his predecessors immortal, and whose solution was wrought in the 
blood and treasure of the country, yet we still have questions oi vast 
moment. Think of the example recently given of the ease with which 
the country, although nearly defenseless, could be launched into serious 
war. Think of what can be done by the law-making power toward 
providing for arbitrating international disputes, and toward procuring 
national defensive means when that plan fails. Think of the stimulus 
the law-making power can give to an American merchant marine, which 
could also be chartered with conditions for naval service in times of war. 
Think of the strengthening arm the law-making power can extend to 
the judiciary in repressing and controlling menacing social disorders. 
Think of the great questions of finance, especially of the importance of 
a measure to forever destroy the heresy that unequal things can be 
made equal by law. Think of the important economic questions which 
involve both our external and internal schemes of taxation. Think of 
a great Government like ours in piping times of peace borrowing money 
to pay current expenses. These and kindred problems call for the 
analysis of masterful and patriotic minds. 

We predict that Senator Foraker will contribute largely to their 
true solution. There is abundant room for the full play of his marked 
intellectual supremacy and acknowledged patriotism. He was supported 
and chosen for this high position by an unprecedented following and 
vote. We wish him God-speed. 



Mayor Caldwell : 

The next toast, " Our Internal Commerce," will be responded to 
by one of our most distinguished, most enterprising and most successful 
citizens, the Hon. M. E. Ingalls. (Cheers and applause.) 




M. E. INGALLS. 



Speech by Hon. M. E. Ingalls. 

Our Internal Commerck, . . Hon. M. K. Ixgai.i.s. 

" Conmicrce and industry arc the best of a nation." 

Mr. Chairman, my Friends and Fellow-Citizens : 

I would suggest that those of you who are tired go home, and let 
the balance of us have a night of it. At this hour of night and in this 
condition of the atmosphere, it will be impossible to make one heard 
unless we have your closest attention, and I have a \-ery carefulh- 
prepared speech which will last for a long time. 

This entertainment is divided into two parts ; you have had a 
committee who have been very careful in preparing it ; they have 
labored hard, and one of the conditions was that all early speeches 
should be carefully written out and submitted to a committee and after 
that they put in poor Melish and myself and told us we might go as we 
please . ( Applause . ) 

They have had one of the most beautiful models for speaking that 
ever was in the city ; I suppose every one of you read the Commercial- 
Gazette — if you do not, }ou ought to — and I do not charge anything for 
this advertisement. (I^aughter. ) A few days ago, they had an editorial, 
telling what an after-dinner speech ought to be. I understand that 
that was so important that it was submitted to the Directors of that 
company, and they were not quite sure of it and then they sent for 
General Ryan and asked him to look it over. (More latighter.) He is 
the Ward McAllister of Cincinnati on after-dinner speeches, and he 
said this course was right, and the result is that every speech this 
evening has been hewed on that line. Now, I am afraid that my friend, 
the Mayor, may think I am getting off the track and intend to talk 
about the city government and taxation. (Renewed laughter.) But 
you need not be afraid, I shall not say anything wrong. I am like 



the girl who started out in the early morning with her bloomers on, to 
take a spin on her bicycle. She met a minister — one of those people 
who can never see anything good in matters out of the usual course — 
and he said to her: " Miss, don't you think bloomers are wicked?" 
" Well," she said, " Parson, I don't know what you might have found 
in some, but there is nothing wicked in mine." (Long and continuous 
applause and laughter.) 

So I can say to you, gentlemen, that you can listen with composure, 
there is nothing bad in m}- speech. I am very glad to be here, how- 
ever and pay my tribute to our guest — not because he is a Republican 
Senator — for I did not vote for him — not because he is a distinguished 
Republican, for I am a Democrat, and he has said many unkind things 
of my party in his day, but he is no sneak and you always know where 
j;o find him. He has been a bold, manly fighter in politics and has 
given and taken. But I come here tonight with great pleasure to join 
in this celebration, because he is my friend and neighbor and I know 
him and love him for that. (Cheers and applause.) And I believe in 
dinners like this and believe that if you have a friend that you love, 
you should say so, and say so in the morning and before he gets too old 
to enjoy it. (Applause.) And in this city we have not had, perhaps, 
too many great men, and it is just as well that we should pay our tribute 
to those that we have and thereby we may teach others to go and do 
likewise. I hope for him in his career everything that he wishes. 

The career of a statesman is like a traveler climbing a mountain 
that reaches into the snow-clad air. It is a long and weary way, and 
if by chance he slips in climbing, he goes down to an unknown grave, 
politically. In these days, when the reporter is everywhere, when the 
telegraph flashes all over the country every word that is said, it requires 
something more of capacity to be a statesman than it did in the days of 
"Webster and Clay, when they delivered a speech and took a week to 
revise it, and then gave it to the newspapers. (Cheers and applause 
and laughter.) So I hope that our friend may reach the summit of 
that mountain that he is climbing, and when he gets to the top let the 
plaudits of the world satisfy him. That is not everything that we work 
for ; in life there are many things that we strive for. Life is made up 
of various things, " honest love, honest work for the day, honest hopes 
for the morrow. Are these worth nothing more than the hand they 



make weary, the heart they have saddened, the Hfe they leave dreary." 
No, there is something else that man works for and the reward he works 
for, the reward that he prizes more than anything is the respect and 
good will of his friends and neighbors. (Cheers and applause.) 

And our friend may go forth to Washington as your Senator— in 
later years he may reach a still higher place, and I hope, personally, lie 
may. (Renewed cheers and applause.) But no matter what honors 
may come to him, no matter what crowns may hereafter reward him, he 
will turn back to this hour as the happiest of his life. 

He has been tried by his neighbors and they have approved of him. 
No higher commendation can a man want than that. And when he 
goes down to that Senate in Washington, I hope he will carry with him 
the same vigor and the same keenness for fight he has always had. 
I know of no body on earth that needs a man of his intellect, of his 
intellectuahty and brain more than the Senate of the United States. 
(Long and continuous cheers and applause.) It looks to me as though 
the moss of years, as though the fruit of egotism has gathered there, as 
though communism and populism were making their last stand in the 
Senate of the United States, and I am glad that we are sending out from 
Ohio and from the city of Cincinnati, a man who can lead and, if neces- 
sary, fulfill the essential requirements of present demands. 

You have all read the story told by Macaulay of the old cavaliers 
of England, who were driven out of England by Cromwell's troops ; 
they went to Germany and France and, while there, they saw these 
same soldiers drive before them the French and achieve victory. 
Although they were exiles and in a strange land, yet they were filled 
with delight that it was England that was winning the battle. So as 
our friend goes down to Washington to the Senate, while those who are 
Democrats may heave a sigh that he is not of our political faith, we 
will still rejoice that he is from Cincinnati. (Cheers and applause.) 

But, gentlemen, I was told to speak upon the internal commerce of 
this country. (Laughter. ) Why, on the twenty-second day of February 
shall we talk dollars and cents ? What we need in Cincinnati is not 
trade, but more public spirit. (Applause.) What we need is not so 
many millionaires as a higher citizenship. (Renewed applause.) If I 
were going to pick out the best things in the history of our guest 
tonight, I should say that in his administration as Governor, the 



Bi-partisan Police Bill was passed, and the Police Commissioners were 
appointed ; the Bi-partisan Board of Elections were appointed ; the 
Board of Public Works, that laid our streets and expended our four 
million dollars, were appointed by him, and he can put these three 
things in his crown and wear them, for they are the best he will have. 
(Cheers and applause.) 

And now, gentlemen, I will not talk shop to you tonight. I might 
tell you that the great line from here to Washington is the Chesapeake 
and Ohio. (Laughter. ) I might talk about the steel rails, the electric 
lighted trains, and trains on time. We w'ill take the Governor down 
there, and if you all w'ant to go and see him inaugurated, you can all 
go for a reasonable compensation. (More laughter.) But this is the 
night of all others, as I say, when our thoughts should turn to our 
country. One hundred and sixty-four 3'ears ago was born the greatest 
patriot that ever lived, and we should think of him and turn our 
thoughts to better things. ' ' Let the men who are men who hate mean- 
ness and lying be true to the vi.sion that Washington saw." It is well 
that once in a while we should turn our eyes from trade and traffic and 
turn them back to the history of our country and resolve that we will 
establish here a higher citizenship — that we will do more for humanity. 
What we ask here is, that our guest should lead and we will follow. 
(Cheers and applause.) 



Mayor Caldwell: 

The next speaker — Col. Wm. B. Melish will respond to the toast 
"The Croaker." Col. Melish needs no introduction to a Cincinnati 
audience. He has been successful in commercial life ; prominent in 
social affairs ; and we presage for him a very honorable and brilliant 
military career. Now that he is promoted to that exalted military 
position of Colonel — Gentlemen — I present Col. Wm. B. Melish. 




\V. B. MELISH. 



Speech by Col. W. B. Melish. 



THE CROAKER, . . . Coi.. W. B. Mki.ish. 

'' An old frog lived in a dismal swatnj) 

In a dismal kind of a way ; 
And all he did, whatever befell 

Was to croak the live long day." 

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen : 

I am aware that it lacks but a few minutes of Sunday, therefore, 
as soon as the noise made by the Sunday-School scholars leaving the 
hall permits, we will proceed with the next toast of the evening, 
"The Croaker." 

I have approached this topic with a great deal of doubt and mis- 
givings of mind, but, after hearing the distinguished speaker who pre- 
ceded me speak on the subject of "Internal Commerce," much after the 
style of Petroleum V. Na.sby's lecture on " Milk," which even a cow 
could not recognize, (laughter) I have come to the conclusion that all you 
have to do is to go ahead as you please, and never allude to your subject. 

I have studied a good deal over the ways of the " Croaker." It is 
the toughest thing I ever tackled. I have talked about a great many 
things, but how or why a man .should talk about the " Croaker " at a 
congratulatory banquet, is a conundrum to me. 

In time of distress you call on your friends, .so I called first on the 
Mayor, the chairman of the committee, who addressed me as ''Colonel,'' 
in capital letters, and then asked me to respond to this toast. I said : 
' ' Mr. Mayor, what are your ideas about croakers ; you are trying to 
run this town and consequently see lots of them ; therefore, what is a 
croaker?" He said: "Look in the dictionary." We were standing 
in front of the Gibson House, and I said : " I have been to the diction- 
ary, that is the slang dictionary, and it .says: 'To croak is to die mth 
a gurgling, ratthng sound in your throat,' " (laughter), and, although 



standing in the presence of a Colonel, the Ma5^or suggested nothing 
which would make either a gurgle or a rattle, although I was ready to 
furnish the throat. (Renewed laughter). The Mayor said that the 
gentlemen responsible for this thing was General Hickenlooper ; that 
he, the General, was rather stuck on getting up toasts to which he 
could not respond himself, and that he fired them at his unsuspecting 
friends. So I went down to see the General, and he said : " That is 
one of the greatest toasts you ever heard of." I said : " Well, what is 
your idea about a croaker ?' ' And he said : "It is enough for my great 
intellect to get up the toast, and not to furnish the speech." (More 

laughter) . 

" An old frog lived in a dismal swamp, 
In a dismal kind of a way ; 
And all he did, whatever befell. 
Was to croak the live-long day." 

Who would have supposed that the President of the Gas Company 
would ever waste the gray matter of his brain on a toast like that ? Can 
anybody imagine that a man, who is at the head of a corporation which 
pays twelve per cent, dividends is a croaker, and croaks all the time? 
We can readily imagine that if it was a ' ' dismal sivavip ' ' that it was the 
wrecking of some opposition company. I said, "General, if you are 
responsible for this, give me an idea ;" and, says he, " I will tell you a 
croaker story : A fellow met a friend who was a chronic kicker, and he 
vSaid to him, ' I had a dream about you last night.' 'Well, what did 
you dream?' 'I dreamt that I was in Heaven,' and the other said, 
'Well, that was pretty good for you, what else?' 'Yes,' said the 
fellow, ' and the most singular thing was that you were in Heaven too.' 
' Do tell,' says the other fellow, ' and what was I doing?' ' Oh, doing 
just like you were always doing here on earth — grumbling. There you 
were, sitting by the throne, and I distinctly heard you say, ' Why in 
the devil don't they make these halos so they will fit?' " (Laughter). 
Now, that was the General's idea of a croaker. Then I thought I 
would go to our mutual friend, the Honorable Jimmy Glenn, but the 
Honorable James said that since his hard job of enlightening the dear 
public about the Price Hill tanks, his own ' ' think-tank ' ' was out of 
order ; that he had not had an idea since then, and he declined " wid 



tanks." Thinking that a croaker who was Hving in a dismal swamp 
would like to get out, either by an aqueduct or a viaduct, I thought I 
would go and see a man who is an authority in the viaduct business, and 
so I hunted him up. I understood that he was something of a croaker, 
and, to be perfectly " Frank," I had to "Alter" all that. Then I was 
directed down on Third street, to another good " Citizen," for authority 
on Water Works, and there I found that the Circuit Court had 
"Ampt"-u-tated that authority. Dr. Graydon, who is always solicitous 
about budding orators, offered to loan me a poem on " Pessimism," but 
I declined solely in your interest, gentlemen, because I have always 
held the Doctor as an authority on poetry, especially since his two 
o'clock a. m. effort at the " Burns Club," where he asserted that the 
"Immortal Bobby" was the authority of the lines, 

"A mon 's a mon, for a' that and a' that, 
Be he a Republican or a Democrat." 

I have come to the conclusion that there are no croakers here in 
Cincinnati. I am certainly not one, and, if I was, I could never croak 
on an occasion like this. I doitbt if we can find a man or woman, 
Democrat or Republican, black or white, who has any croak coming at 
all because J. B. Foraker has been elected Senator. Why in the mis- 
chief they should put down a toast like this on an occasion like this, is 
more than I can understand. I have come to the conclusion that the 
only thing to do is to follow M. E. Ingall's " vestibuled-throughout, 
Chesapeake and Ohio " style, and get off the track, run on a switch and 
abandon the subject entirely. (Long and continuous cheers, applause 
and laughter). I conclude that the best thing to do is to talk about 
the Day, George Washington's, and I propose to organize a new 
society — Americans are great on societies — and I shall call it ' ' The 
Sons of Evolution." I have already decorated the Governor of Ohio 
and the Mayor, and the Senator-elect wears the badge of the society. 
Ivook upon these hatchets, these cherries, and these twigs, and with 
bowed heads think of what they mean. This is our day ; we are the 
lineal descendants of the truth tellers of George Washington's time. 
The reason we are called ' ' Sons of Evolution ' ' is because history says 



that George Washington could not tell a lie — when he was a boy — 
but after he had grown up, had gone into politics, and got an office — 
well, historj' is silent, and wisely so. (Laughter and applause). I 
wanted the Governor especially to wear this badge, because during his 
term of office he will not have to tell a lie — that is if he will rely on 
his four generals and his eighteen colonels. I am sure that even if 
you cannot all be "Sons of Evolution" you will join us in an Ode 
to the natal day of our mutual friend. 

TO WASHINGTON. 

" Washington, yours was a noble deed. 

Your cherry tree and ax have sown the seed 

Of rectitude within the youthful mind, 

Which might have been to other thoughts inclined. 

But George, dear boj-, for each one you 've inspired, 

Pray, don't forget, you 've made the balance of us tired." 

MORAL. 

The moral is, that you need never tell a lie when the old man has 
cherry trees to burn. (Cheers and applause). 

As none of you are leaving the room, as I had expected, permit me 
to again allude to ' ' Croakers. ' " Going back to the dictionary about 
the "Croakers," I learned in my wanderings around Old Point Com- 
fort, (and this is no advertisement of the Chesapeake and Ohio Road), 
that the " Croaker" is a fish, which is frequently caught down there, 
which Colonel Billy Walker says ' ' tastes something between a sea- 
horse and a boiled rubber over-shoe," and which, by authority of Mr. 
Ingalls, is served upon the Pullman dining-cars on that road, but, as I 
.said, to return, not to our fish, but our croaker. In any and all the 
relations of life, the croaker has a prominent place — more's the pity. 
Your average croaker is merely a pessimist gone to seed. Graduating 
as a pessimist, he fills his pockets with bombs and becomes an Anarchist. 
When he becomes bilious and feels mean, he is satisfied that he is either 
too good or pious for the balance of us ; or else he feels patriotism, of 
the croaker stamp ; is concerned about the good of his party, and wants 
an office, so that he can reform it. 

He feels like he is a new man in opposition to the new woman, and, 



"While his wife takes in sewing, to keep things agoing, the croaker 
superintends the earth." He is like a mustard plaster, in that he has 
no curative properties, but is simply a counter-irritant, and also, like a 
mustard plaster, he is usually raising hell behind yoiu- back. (Laughk-i 
and applause). 

In a battle — I do not speak now in my military capacity, but 
rather of business or political battles — while others carry arms, the 
croaker shoulders a telescope that he may foresee disaster, looks wise 
and prophesies defeat, and lets out section after section, that he may 
magnify awful disaster out of the minor weaknesses of his brethren. 
He, too, would be a .soldier, were it not for the fact that his grandfather 
met with an accident, and he has inherited the symptoms. (Laughter). 

As a politician he understands the villainies of all other parties, 
and is utterly ignorant of the good things of his own. He is as badly off 
in his definitions of things as the little girl in the Parish Church, who 
had carefully been drilled to answer correctly the one question in the 
Catechism which the teacher supposed would be propounded to her, 
but, unfortunately, the little girl ahead of her was absent, and so, in- 
stead of being asked by the Priest, " What is Purgatory?" she caught 
the question "What is Matrimony?" and she responded, "That state 
of torment in which souls are punished for their sins." "Tut, tut," 
said the father, " that is the answer to Purgatory." But the Bishop, 
who was doubtless more experienced, said, " Howld on, let the child 
alone, for all you and I know, she is telling the truth." (Laughter 
and applau.se). 

But, brethren, it is your bu.sine.ss croaker who is the typical cuss 
alluded to in the sentiment accompanying this toast, who sits in the 
swamp all the day long and does nothing but croak. He pervades com- 
mercial and financial centers and with his depressing outlook, flaps the 
owl wings of gloom in the face of a rising sun of Prosperity, and 
declares that financial di.saster is the unquestioned interpretation of 
Daniel's dream, and that the weird beast with seven heads and ten 
horns is to trample the credit of business circles in the dust. Your 
croaker is a hybrid .sort of an animal, Hke a bat, half mouse and half 
bird ; he is not a first-class flyer, and as a sprinter he is a dismal failure. 



And yet this good old government can borrow a hundred milHon of 
dollars any day from we bloated aristocrats, and we still have money 
for banquets. 

The croaker is always ready to add to disaster, whether justified or 
not. He is as bad as the man whose wife sent him down to the cellar 
for a pitcher of milk. He stumbled unfortunately on the top step, and 
he went down into the cellar, with such casual interruption to his career 
as each step afforded as he struck them in succession. As he lit on the 
stone pavement of the bottom, he was comforted by his wife asking him, 
with that tender solicitude which wives can assume on like occasions : 
"John, did you break the pitcher?" and John said, " Naw, I didn't, 
but d d if I don't ;" and he did. (Laughter and applause). 

Whatever hindrances there are in our municipal affairs, our busi- 
ness advance and our commercial interests as a city , they have been and 
are largely due to the croakers who lay down when the columns of 
united interests are ordered to advance. L,et us hope that all the sore 
spots which the croaker exhibits will be made by the heels of enterprise, 
which trample him into the dust on their onward march to success. 
(Applause) . The average croaker is an ambulance with a loud gong, 
going about the streets but belonging to no hospital. But let us dismiss 
the croaker, and bury him under the ruins of any business which he 
murders. On his tombstone let an inverted hand be carved, its fingers 
pointing downward, and over it the legend : " Buried with the burial of 
an ass ;" and under it his last words : "I told you so." 

My brethren, fluctuations in demand may in time deceive even an 
optimist as to the possible supply. Over production must necessarily 
depreciate values, adv^erse conditions and very strained relations may 
sometimes be very hard to bring into close fellowship, yet. while the 
day ma}^ be protracted between seed time and harvest, between invest- 
ment and return, the return comes when energy is wedded to an unfal- 
tering determination to win, and Mahomet will start for the mountain, 
when he has ascertained that the mountain has no intention of moving 
toward him. 

Now a few words in conclusion. I don't know whether the Senator- 
elect \\ould like to hax'c any advice about his course in the Senate from 



the croakers present, but we are ready to give it to him if he wants it. 
We would Hke to suggest, when he goes to Washington, that he 
arrange to have a government under which we can have an American 
chance to earn a living, and the right to keep it when we earn it. 
We would get it honestly, of course. We would also like his help to 
make this country the best place on earth to live in, to work in, and to 
die in ; and the other little places, which we have not" annexed, like 
Venezuela and Cuba, can wait a short time, until we have straightened 
these things out. 

As to our brother Foraker, he has heard a few onl>- of the good 
things of himself in which we all concur. We do not begrudge him 
these because we all love him, and, like my distinguished friend. vSir 
Henry Irving, as quoted to me by his friend, Dr. Graydon : 

" Give nie my sword, ' Excalibur," 
Why listen to this ' Cro-aker,' 
Are we not all tried, trusty friends, 

A toast to him, our ' For-aker.' " (Laughter). 

Brother Foraker has been sentenced by the people to a term of six 
years in the Senate, for his repeatedly expressed contempt of the High 
Court of the Democracy. He says he doesn't know just what he will 
do there or how he wnll do it. It strikes the average Republican that if 
any one crosses swords with the Senator-elect, it will be a case of what 
the other fellow^ will do. We commend such to a stud}^ of the doughty 
warrior in " Twelfth Night," for he will doubtless have occasion to .say, 
" Plague on't, and I thought he had been valiant and so cunning in 
fence, I 'd have .seen him hanged ere I 'd have challenged him." 

If Brother Foraker has any trouble about the distribution of the 
offices, either local or otherwise, we can assure him he need not worry 
about that. If he will select any three or four of the gentlemen present 
to-night, we will gladly attend to all such matters for him, and thus 
save him a great deal of trouble and correspondence. 

But let us call a truce to all this pleasantry and jest. We are to 
end this delightful opportunity of laying our garlands of love and 
respect at the feet of otir neighbor, our friend, our brother — brother in 



the great fellowship of the universal brotherhood of man ; banded to 
make each other happier and the world better by our living in it. We 
have given our honored guest our sincere congratulations. We send to 
that noble woman who has been, and is, the inspiration of his public 
and private life, our heart echoed wishes that all happiness, health and 
prosperity may be the measure given the home circle for many, many 
years. 

In this, the closing hour of night, our closing words to brother 
Foraker are, that either here, or in Washington, or wherever he is ; 

" Our hearts, our hopes are all with thee. 
Our hearts, our hopes, our prayers, our tears. 
Our faith triumphant o'er our fears, 
Are all with thee, are all with thee." 

(Cheers and applause) . 



D$t of 6ue$t$. 



Ayres, James M. 
Ampt, \Vm. M. 
Alter, Franklin. 
Allison, Robert. 
Altenberg, Geo. P. 
Archibald, R. M. 
Alms, Fred. H. 
Ackerland, Max. 
Alms, Wm. H. 
Addy, Matthew. 
Archibald, R.J. H. 
Butterfield, A. P. 
Brown, Dan'l W. 
Bradford, E. F. 
Bullock, George. 
Bettinger, Albert. 
Bernard, Lewis G. 
Breen, John. 
Braemer. Tlieo. 
Buckland, Geo. 
Burch, Wallace. 
Bushnell, A. S. 
Burton, Stephen R. 
Bode, A. H. 
Buchwalter, M. L. 
Burgheim, Max. 
Bailey, Sam'l, Jr. 



Bauer, Morris 
Bosworth, C. A. 
Brown, Chas. Edgar. 
Bundy, Wni. E. 
Bromwell, J. H. 
Bradley, F. A. 
Brannan, J. D. 
Ballman, F. H. 
Bettman, Morris L. 
Brown, Adolph L. 
Biddle, W. P. 
Bettman, B. 
Black, L. C. 
Brewster, J. W. 
Bader, Fred. 
Bohrer, Geo. H. 
Carl, Alvin. 
Colter, Archibald. 
Cox, Benj. H. 
Carroll, R. 
Campbell, B. W. 
Cox, Geo. B. 
Cox, Joseph. 
Carew, Jos. T. 
Corre, A. (i. 
Colston, Edward. 
Crane, Clinton. 



Cox, Joseph, Jr. 
Conro}^ A. J. 
Caldwell, John A. 
Gushing, Wade. 
Clore, J. C. 
Comstock, F. D. 
Crawford, L,. J. 
Commercial Gazette. 
Critchell, B. P. 
Davis, David. 
Davis, Nat. Henchman. 
Dana, S. F. 
DuBrul, Nap'n. 
Davidson, A. 
Davis, Charles. 
Dunbar, H. B. 
Diem, F. J. 
Dodds, Milo G. 
Ermston, Jas. D. 
Espy, James. 
Ezekiel, H. C. 
Ellison, Jas. D. 
Emerson, L,owe, 
Egan, Thos. P. 
Ernst, Rich'd P. 
Ehrman, Benj. F. 
Ellis, Frank. 
Ebersole, Geo. R. 
Evans, Chas. 
Ernst, John P. 



Enquirer, The Cin'ti. 
Freie Presse, The. 
Foraker, J. B. 
Freiberg, Maurice J. 
Fisher, Wm. Hubbell. 
Freiberg, J. W. 
Felton, Sani'l M. 
French, Tilden R. 
Furst, Abe. 
Ferris, Howard. 
Fechheimer, J. S. 
Fleischmann, Chas. 
Fleischmann, Julius. 
Fechheimer, Henry S. 
Foraker, Jos. B., Jr. 
Fisher, George. 
Fitzgerald, J. W. 
Frey, John. 
Foraker, Jas. R. 
Ford, Collin. 
Ford, Wm. 
Fries, Gus. R. 
Fagin, Morgan H. 
Fisk, Chas. H. 
Garrard, Jeptha, 
Griffith, G. P. 
Guthrie, J. V. 
Gano, Gazzam. 
Goodman, Wm. A. 
Goetz, John, Jr. 



Graydon, Dr. T. W. 
(xansel, Chas. O. 
Gregg, E. B. 
Grant, W. C. 
Goldsmith, A. W. 
Galvin, John. 
Granger, W. W. 
Gray, Adrini. 
Greenwald, C. E. 
Gordon, W. J. M. 
Good ale, Levi C. 
HoefinghofF, Chas. 
Hooker, Jas. J. 
Hunt, W. L. 
Hoyt.Jas. H., 
Hall, E. C. 
Hicks, James. 
Harper, J. C. 
Heuer, W. H. 
Hunt, Chas. J. 
Hadden, C. B. 
Herrmann, Aug. 
Hickenlooper, A. 
Hinkle, A. Howard. 
Hoffheimer, Harry M. 
Hafer, George. 
Hollo way, C. M. 
Herlinger, A. L. 
Harrison, W. H. 
Hendley, Frank W. 



Hutton, J. M. 
Hoi lister, Howard C. 
Henshaw, (ieorge. 
Huschart. Frank M. 
Holmes, C. R. 
Hutton, Wm. E. 
Heekin, James. 
Hunt, Samuel F. 
Heath, Perry S. 
Hertenstein, Fred. 
Heath, Thos. F. 
Harrison, Jos. T. 
Ingalls, M. E. 
Immenhart, Henry. 
Isaacson, W. J. 
Irwin, Wm. T. 
Jones, Rankin D. 
Jelke, Fred'k, Jr. 
Johnson, J. W. 
Jackson, W. H. 
Knopf, Sam'l. 
Kramer, Adam A. 
Kuhn, Ivouis. 
Kineon, Sol. P. 
Kittredge, E. W. 
Kenan, N. G. 
Kellogg, Chas. H. 
Keck, Lee R. 
Kirchner, Frank. 
Kilgour, John. 



Kingsbury, C. G. 
Kelley, Thos. H. 
Kaliii, Clias., Jr. 
Kroger, B. H. 
Kirchner. F. H. 
Kurtz, Chas. L. 
Krohn, M. 
Kuhn, Oscar W. 
Knaul, M. 

Kvimler, Judge Phil. H. 
Kinsley, J. R. 
Langdon, Perin. 
Lewis, Eugene L. 
Ivippencott, W. J. 
Laws, Harry L. 
Law.son, F. H. 
Lowen .stein, Gus., Sr. 
Lolze, C. M. 
Luebbing, G. G. 
Laidley, F. A. 
Levy, James. 
Logan, Thos. A. 
Mayer, L. 
Maxwell, S. N. 
McCrea, C. T. 
Mack, Thos. A. 
Morrison & Co., James. 
Melish, W. B. 
McNeill, Aaron. 
Mosby, John B. 



Mullane, A.J. 
Monfort, E. R. 
Morgan, R.J. 
Markbreit, Leopold. 
Mulvihill, T. J. 
Mclntyre, Marion. 
Mackey, John. 
Mack, M. J. 
Miller, I. J. 
Mullen, Mike. 
Murphy, John P. 
Minor, Thos. C. 
Martin, D. B. 
McCally, E. L , 
McCormick, E. O. 
Marfield, Elliott. 
McDowell, Jos. J. 
Nippert, C. L. 
Oskamp, Henry. 
Outcalt, Miller. 
Prendergast, J. W. 
Pfiester, Fred. 
Peaslee, John B. 
Pluemer, Adolph. 
Prior, C. E. 
Pugh, A. H. 
Peters, Ralph. 
Peabody, W. W. 
Pistor, Wm. 
Peebles, Jos. S. 



Pullen, R. T. 
Peck, Hiram D. 
Paxton, Thos. B. 
Pattison, John M. 
Pedretti, R. M. 
Post, The Cin'ti. 
Ryan, Michael. 
Ravolgi, A. 
Rheinstrom, Sig. 
Rettig, John. 
Roth, E. N. 
Roe, G. M. 
Rosenbaum, Harry. 
Rulison, H. M. 
Rowe, Casper. 
Robertson, CD. 
Rowe, W. S. 
Ricketts, Merrill. 
Robinson, J. M. 
Rendigs, Wm. 
Reamy, Dr. Thad. A. 
Shattuck, W. B. 
Shipherd, John J. 
Strauss, Isa. 
Swing, Jas. B. 
Smith, Jackson. 
Senior, Edw. 
Schwill, Albert. 
Swing, P. F. 
StTunk, Wm. 



Santmej'er, C. A. 
Sterritt, Ceo. T. 
Smith, Amor, Jr. 
Scarlett, J. A. 
Schmidlapp, J. O. 
Stanley, H.J. 
Smith, Rufus B. 
Smith, J. H. Chas. 
Stone, Geo. N. 
Sayler, John R. 
Seasongood, Lewis. 
Sullivan, John J., 
Smith, J. M. 
Spiegel, Fred. S. 
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Sullivan, J. J.. 

Shears, D. C. 

Thrasher, A. B. 

Trost, Sam'l W. 

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Tullidge, Frank G. 

Tucker, Alf. A. 

Trost, Jacob. 

Taft, Chas. P. 

Tharp, Willis P. 

Tribune, The Cin'ti. 

Times-Star, The. 

Traub, L. 

Voorheis, A. B. 

Vandergrift, Geo. .\. 



Volksblatt, The. Winkler, Philip. 

Volksfreund, The. West, Robt. H. 

Weir, Fred. C. Waddell, Robt. S. 

Wright, D. Thew. White, Alfred. 

Wiborg, F. B. Wilson, Robt. 

Warrington, J. W. Wabnitz, Geo. 

Woodmansee, D. D. Wilder, Stephen H. 

Wilson, M. F. Walker, Wm. P. 

Washburn, John B. Yergason, H. C. 

Webb, T. D. Zumstein, John. 

Wulsin, Drausin. Zumstein, Frank C. 

Woods, Wm. Ziegler, H. M. 
Whetstone, John C. 



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